808
edits
LOG IN. UPLOAD PICTURES.
The Philippines has Zambo Mart to help propagate the Chavacano Language.
Difference between revisions of "Makati City News July 2011"
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
→ → Go back HOME to Zamboanga: the Portal to the Philippines.
→Metro Manila governments stingy with information
| Line 51: | Line 51: | ||
:Source: http://www.gmanews.tv/story/227982/specialreports/metro-manila-governments-stingy-with-information | :Source: http://www.gmanews.tv/story/227982/specialreports/metro-manila-governments-stingy-with-information | ||
Politics and government, business and finance, education and culture. In all these and more, the national capital region, Metro Manila, is supposed to lead the rest of the nation. Here, bureaucrats and politicians thrive, mostly schooled and steeled in the art of governance and advisedly, the liberal ramparts of transparency and accountability. | Politics and government, business and finance, education and culture. In all these and more, the [[Cities of the philippines in Metro Manila|national capital region]], Metro Manila, is supposed to lead the rest of the nation. Here, bureaucrats and politicians thrive, mostly schooled and steeled in the art of governance and advisedly, the liberal ramparts of transparency and accountability. | ||
It seems fair for citizens to expect that in Metro Manila, more than anywhere else in the Philippines, the people’s right to know and to access official information and documents would be respected. But that could well be plain wishful thinking for now. | It seems fair for citizens to expect that in Metro Manila, more than anywhere else in the Philippines, the people’s right to know and to access official information and documents would be respected. But that could well be plain wishful thinking for now. | ||
Indeed, while President Benigno ‘Noynoy’ C. Aquino III has once more failed to reiterate a commitment to freedom of information (FOI) in his latest State of the Nation Address, the results of a recent survey by the PCIJ of access to information practices in the 16 cities and sole town of Metro Manila show that majority of the local officials and employees in these Metro Manila local government units (LGUs) continue to linger in the dark ages of closed, opaque government. | Indeed, while President [[Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III|Benigno ‘Noynoy’ C. Aquino III]] has once more failed to reiterate a commitment to freedom of information (FOI) in his latest State of the Nation Address, the results of a recent survey by the [[Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism|PCIJ]] of access to information practices in the 16 cities and sole town of Metro Manila show that majority of the local officials and employees in these Metro Manila local government units (LGUs) continue to linger in the dark ages of closed, opaque government. | ||
Most of the LGUs, in fact, took their sweet time in responding to requests for specific documents, unmindful of deadlines for action set in law. And if they did act at all, they disclosed only some, not all, of the documents requested. The city of Caloocan even recorded net zero action, failing to take action on any of the requests up until the end of the audit. This was even though that city’s officials had approved, orally and in writing, at least a third of the PCIJ’s requests. | Most of the LGUs, in fact, took their sweet time in responding to requests for specific documents, unmindful of deadlines for action set in law. And if they did act at all, they disclosed only some, not all, of the documents requested. The city of Caloocan even recorded net zero action, failing to take action on any of the requests up until the end of the audit. This was even though that city’s officials had approved, orally and in writing, at least a third of the PCIJ’s requests. | ||
| Line 63: | Line 63: | ||
Beyond simply tracking the transparency regimes obtaining in NCR, the PCIJ audit purposely zeroed in on documents with great impact on the welfare of citizens. From April to June 2011, the Center deployed seven college student interns who filed requests for six major types of documents, including the asset disclosure records of the LGU officials, as well as the budget and development plans of the LGU. The audit also focused on documents pertaining to education, health, public safety, civil registry and property, and doing business. | Beyond simply tracking the transparency regimes obtaining in NCR, the PCIJ audit purposely zeroed in on documents with great impact on the welfare of citizens. From April to June 2011, the Center deployed seven college student interns who filed requests for six major types of documents, including the asset disclosure records of the LGU officials, as well as the budget and development plans of the LGU. The audit also focused on documents pertaining to education, health, public safety, civil registry and property, and doing business. | ||
Surprisingly, however, the most basic documents regularly produced by LGUs proved the most difficult to get. For instance, among the 17 Metro Manila LGUs, only Makati gave complete documents on education, while a mere four – Quezon City, Parañaque, Navotas, and the San Juan Health Department Unit 1 – provided complete documents on health. | Surprisingly, however, the most basic documents regularly produced by LGUs proved the most difficult to get. For instance, among the 17 Metro Manila LGUs, only Makati gave complete documents on education, while a mere four – [[Quezon City, Philippines|Quezon City]], [[Parañaque City, Philippines|Parañaque]], [[Navotas City, Philippines|Navotas]], and the [[San Juan City, Philippines|San Juan]] Health Department Unit 1 – provided complete documents on health. | ||
On average, only a fourth of the 17 LGUs provided their development and investment plans, and copies of the proposed and enacted budgets. The rest took no action. | On average, only a fourth of the 17 LGUs provided their development and investment plans, and copies of the proposed and enacted budgets. The rest took no action. | ||
| Line 69: | Line 69: | ||
Still, of all the documents requested by the PCIJ, the statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth (SALNs) were easily the most tightly guarded and thus, the hardest to obtain. In the mold and manner of national politicians, the local politicians of Metro Manila apparently hold their asset disclosure records close to their chests. | Still, of all the documents requested by the PCIJ, the statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth (SALNs) were easily the most tightly guarded and thus, the hardest to obtain. In the mold and manner of national politicians, the local politicians of Metro Manila apparently hold their asset disclosure records close to their chests. | ||
Only two cities – Marikina and Makati – willingly shared the SALNs of all their local officials. Quezon City and Navotas, meanwhile, gave the SALNs of their respective mayor and vice mayor, but came up short when it came to those of their councilors. San Juan released its vice mayor’s SALN, but not its chief executive’s; it also gave incomplete asset records of its councilors. In the rest of the LGUs, the SALNs remain sub rosa or kept under lock and key by local officials who insist on their confidentiality, in apparent indifference to, or ignorance of, the law. | Only two cities – [[Marikina City, Philippines|Marikina]] and Makati – willingly shared the SALNs of all their local officials. Quezon City and Navotas, meanwhile, gave the SALNs of their respective mayor and vice mayor, but came up short when it came to those of their councilors. San Juan released its vice mayor’s SALN, but not its chief executive’s; it also gave incomplete asset records of its councilors. In the rest of the LGUs, the SALNs remain sub rosa or kept under lock and key by local officials who insist on their confidentiality, in apparent indifference to, or ignorance of, the law. | ||
Most LGUs also required requestors to secure the mayor’s approval before all the requests could be granted. This caused bureaucratic delays and most probably is a major barrier to accessing documents in the NCR. | Most LGUs also required requestors to secure the mayor’s approval before all the requests could be granted. This caused bureaucratic delays and most probably is a major barrier to accessing documents in the NCR. | ||
| Line 77: | Line 77: | ||
In the PCIJ audit, not one of the LGUs provided all the requested information. Even Quezon City, which came out as the friendliest to access to information requests, took full action (within the 15 working days’ deadline in law for all the documents requested) on only 75 percent of all requests filed by PCIJ. | In the PCIJ audit, not one of the LGUs provided all the requested information. Even Quezon City, which came out as the friendliest to access to information requests, took full action (within the 15 working days’ deadline in law for all the documents requested) on only 75 percent of all requests filed by PCIJ. | ||
Next came Marikina, which scored 57 percent, while Pasay, Parañaque, Navotas, and Makati all granted about half of all of PCIJ’s requests. Ten other LGUs (Las Piñas, Pasig, | Next came Marikina, which scored 57 percent, while [[Pasay City, Philippines|Pasay]], Parañaque, Navotas, and Makati all granted about half of all of PCIJ’s requests. Ten other LGUs ([[Las Piñas City, Philippines|Las Piñas City]], [[Pasig City, Philippines|Pasig]], [[Muntinlupa City, Philippines|Muntinlupa]], [[Taguig City, Philippines|Taguig]], [[Valenzuela City, Philippines|Valenzuela]], San Juan, [[Malabon City, Philippines|Malabon City]], [[Manila City, Philippines|Manila]], and [[Pateros City, Philippines|Pateros]]) acted only on 12.5 to 37.5 percent of all requests filed. | ||
On average, the LGU offices that gave documents took about 10 days to do so. But the Business Permits and Licensing Office (BPLO) of Las Piñas stood out by taking only a day to respond and provide complete documents related to doing business in the city. | On average, the LGU offices that gave documents took about 10 days to do so. But the Business Permits and Licensing Office (BPLO) of Las Piñas stood out by taking only a day to respond and provide complete documents related to doing business in the city. | ||
| Line 170: | Line 170: | ||
These two offices (Civil Registry and BPLO) conduct regular transactions with citizens every day; releasing documents thus seems almost routinary to them. In addition, these transactions are triggers of revenues (processing and permit fees) and take on the nature of business processes beneficial to the LGUs. - ''''With research and reporting by Karol Anne M. Ilagan, Anne Jeanette O. Priela, Krystal Kay S. Jimena, David Faustino T. de Castro, Essen Mei M. Miguel, Henor G. Gotis, Eric H. Rivera, Stephanie Directo, and Jessa Mae B. Jarilla, PCIJ, July 2011.'''' | These two offices (Civil Registry and BPLO) conduct regular transactions with citizens every day; releasing documents thus seems almost routinary to them. In addition, these transactions are triggers of revenues (processing and permit fees) and take on the nature of business processes beneficial to the LGUs. - ''''With research and reporting by Karol Anne M. Ilagan, Anne Jeanette O. Priela, Krystal Kay S. Jimena, David Faustino T. de Castro, Essen Mei M. Miguel, Henor G. Gotis, Eric H. Rivera, Stephanie Directo, and Jessa Mae B. Jarilla, PCIJ, July 2011.'''' | ||
<br> | <br> | ||
<table border="1" align=Center> | |||
<tr> | |||
<td><center>'''Streetlights in the dark'''</center><br>Even those who don’t have ungodly work hours that have them walking the streets at night may want to know more details about the lampposts that light up their cities.<br><br>By knowing where these streetlights have been built, residents and most especially commuters may actually locate the lampposts, and propose to their LGUs where else in the city more should be installed. Or, they can report to their LGUs where lampposts need repair, consume energy 24/7, or even, where there have just a swarm of lampposts.<br><br>The value or lack of value in LGU spending on lampposts is a matter that citizens may also compare, if they are so armed with data on the unit cost of these lampposts. <br><br>For instance, of the six cities that provided documents regarding their streetlights as part of the PCIJ audit, Makati turned out to have the biggest number of lampposts at 4,803 that the city said were constructed from 2004 to 2010. Malabon comes in second with 2,929, and then Quezon City with 1,660, Mandaluyong with 1,616, and San Juan, 921.<br><br>While specifications were not provided, the price variance for the lampposts that various LGUs install in NCR is an interesting matter. Documents showed that in Malabon, each lamppost costs P31,486.80 while in San Juan, each unit costs P49,621.90.<br><br>In Makati, the cost of a lamppost ranges approximately from P240,000 to P280,000. This amount, according to Makati City Engineer Nelson R. Morales, includes the following: excavation/restoration and other civil works, wirings and conduits, illuminated street names, programmable lighting controller, and MERALCO service connection. Morales also noted that the “cost varies depending on additional problems that might be encountered (on) site" such as “drainage diversion, unavailability of Secondary Distribution Facilities, and others…" <br><br>How much LGUs pay in public funds to maintain the lampposts are curious details, too. Quezon City spends P34.85 million per month on average, or more than a million pesos a day, on the power consumption of its lampposts. Its projected power consumption for 2011, as of March, 14, 2011, is a hefty P418.20 million. And of this amount, the projected power bill for so-called ornamental lampposts account for 41 percent, or P171.31 million. – '''With research by Anne Jeanette O. Priela, Krystal Kay S. Jimena, David Faustino T. de Castro, Essen Mei M. Miguel, Henor G. Gotis, Eric H. Rivera, and Stephanie Directo, PCIJ, July 2011.'''</td> | |||
</tr> | |||
=GSK headquarters: where work meets play= | =GSK headquarters: where work meets play= | ||